| Name | Constituency | Party | Attendance Percent | Debates Total | Questions Asked | Private Member Bills |
| Abdul Mannan Hossain | Murshidabad | Indian National Congress | 59% | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Abhijit Mukherjee | Jangipur | Indian National Congress | 98% | 3 | 22 | 0 |
| Abu Hasem Khan Choudhury | Maldaha Dakshin | Indian National Congress | 77% | 3 | 8 | 0 |
| Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury | Baharampur | Indian National Congress | 82% | 88 | 309 | 18 |
| Ambica Banerjee | Howrah | All India Trinamool Congress | 60% | 3 | 154 | 0 |
| Anup Kumar Saha | Bardhaman Purba | Communist Party of India (Marxist) | 87% | 21 | 101 | 0 |
| Bansagopal Chowdhury | Asansol | Communist Party of India (Marxist) | 61% | 24 | 43 | 0 |
| Basudeb Acharia | Bankura | Communist Party of India (Marxist) | 88% | 143 | 218 | 7 |
| Choudhury Mohan Jatua | Mathurapur | All India Trinamool Congress | 34% | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Deepa Dashmunsi | Raiganj | Indian National Congress | 79% | 9 | 328 | 0 |
| Dinesh Trivedi | Barrackpur | All India Trinamool Congress | 78% | 3 | 0 | 0 |
| Gobinda Chandra Naskar | Bongaon | All India Trinamool Congress | 83% | 8 | 1 | 0 |
| Gurudas Dasgupta | Ghatal | Communist Party of India | 88% | 94 | 505 | 0 |
| Jaswant Singh | Darjeeling | Bharatiya Janata Party | 78% | 18 | 0 | 0 |
| Kabir Suman | Jadavpur | All India Trinamool Congress | 31% | 3 | 0 | 0 |
| Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar | Barasat | All India Trinamool Congress | 67% | 25 | 13 | 1 |
| Kalyan Banerjee | Serampore | All India Trinamool Congress | 75% | 39 | 0 | 0 |
| Mahendra Kumar Roy | Jalpaiguri | Communist Party of India (Marxist) | 94% | 39 | 168 | 0 |
| Mamata Banerjee | Kolkata Dakshin | All India Trinamool Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Manohar Tirkey | Alipurduars | Revolutionary Socialist Party | 57% | 32 | 602 | 0 |
| Mausam Noor | Maldaha Uttar | Indian National Congress | 66% | 4 | 60 | 0 |
| Narahari Mahato | Purulia | All India Forward Bloc | 71% | 53 | 650 | 0 |
| Nripendra Nath Roy | Cooch Behar | All India Forward Bloc | 75% | 53 | 636 | 0 |
| Prabodh Panda | Medinipur | Communist Party of India | 90% | 148 | 585 | 1 |
| Pranab Mukherjee | Jangipur | Indian National Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Prasanta Kumar Majumdar | Balurghat | Revolutionary Socialist Party | 76% | 138 | 468 | 2 |
| Prasun Banerjee | Howrah | All India Trinamool Congress | 60% | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Pulin Bihari Baske | Jhargram | Communist Party of India (Marxist) | 92% | 42 | 84 | 0 |
| Ram Chandra Dome | Bolpur | Communist Party of India (Marxist) | 83% | 54 | 80 | 0 |
| Ratna De | Hooghly | All India Trinamool Congress | 83% | 100 | 174 | 0 |
| Sakti Mohan Malik | Arambagh | Communist Party of India (Marxist) | 87% | 7 | 28 | 0 |
| Satabdi Roy | Birbhum | All India Trinamool Congress | 75% | 6 | 0 | 0 |
| Saugata Roy | Dum Dum | All India Trinamool Congress | 95% | 68 | 195 | 0 |
| Sisir Kumar Adhikari | Kanthi | All India Trinamool Congress | 43% | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Sk. Nurul Islam | Basirhat | All India Trinamool Congress | 37% | 1 | 4 | 0 |
| Sk. Saidul Haque | Bardhaman-Durgapur | Communist Party of India (Marxist) | 97% | 96 | 258 | 0 |
| Somendra Nath Mitra | Diamond Harbour | All India Trinamool Congress | 48% | 1 | 278 | 0 |
| Subrata Bakshi | Kolkata Dakshin | All India Trinamool Congress | 32% | 1 | 0 | 0 |
| Sucharu Ranjan Haldar | Ranaghat | All India Trinamool Congress | 84% | 6 | 29 | 0 |
| Sudip Bandyopadhyay | Kolkata Uttar | All India Trinamool Congress | 85% | 55 | 0 | 0 |
| Sultan Ahmed | Uluberia | All India Trinamool Congress | 55% | 1 | 63 | 0 |
| Susmita Bauri | Bishnupur | Communist Party of India (Marxist) | 94% | 31 | 131 | 0 |
| Suvendu Adhikari | Tamluk | All India Trinamool Congress | 27% | 20 | 90 | 0 |
| Tapas Paul | Krishnanagar | All India Trinamool Congress | 72% | 6 | 0 | 0 |
| Tarun Mandal | Jaynagar | Independent | 68% | 124 | 21 | 0 |
Showing posts with label Analysis. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Analysis. Show all posts
Monday, April 14, 2014
West Bengal MPs work status in Loksabha during 2009-14
Maharahtra MPs work status in Loksabha during 2009-14
| Name | Constituency | Party | Attendance Percent | Debates Total | Questions Asked | Private Member Bills |
| A.T. Nana Patil | Jalgaon | Bharatiya Janata Party | 80% | 69 | 641 | 10 |
| Anand Prakash Paranjpe | Kalyan | Shiv Sena | 68% | 11 | 820 | 0 |
| Anandrao Adsul | Amravati | Shiv Sena | 74% | 35 | 1266 | 3 |
| Anant Gangaram Geete | Raigad | Shiv Sena | 73% | 55 | 10 | 1 |
| Awale Jaywant Gangaram | Latur | Indian National Congress | 91% | 51 | 350 | 0 |
| Bhavana Pundlikrao Gawali Patil | Yavatmal-Washim | Shiv Sena | 67% | 19 | 360 | 0 |
| Chandrakant Bhaurao Khaire | Aurangabad | Shiv Sena | 73% | 48 | 725 | 5 |
| Datta Raghobaji Meghe | Wardha | Indian National Congress | 88% | 59 | 308 | 0 |
| Dilip Kumar Mansukhlal Gandhi | Ahmednagar | Bharatiya Janata Party | 68% | 48 | 278 | 0 |
| Dudhgaonkar Ganeshrao Nagorao | Parbhani | Shiv Sena | 92% | 45 | 418 | 0 |
| Eknath Mahadeo Gaikwad | Mumbai-South-Central | Indian National Congress | 98% | 11 | 1020 | 0 |
| Gajanan Dharmshi Babar | Maval | Shiv Sena | 73% | 24 | 1176 | 0 |
| Gurudas Kamat | Mumbai-North-West | Indian National Congress | 87% | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Hansraj Gangaram Ahir | Chandrapur | Bharatiya Janata Party | 72% | 114 | 1005 | 31 |
| Haribhau Madhav Jawale | Raver | Bharatiya Janata Party | 81% | 53 | 404 | 1 |
| Harischandra Deoram Chavan | Dindori | Bharatiya Janata Party | 79% | 8 | 791 | 0 |
| Jadhav Baliram Sukur | Palghar | Bahujan Vikas Aaghadi | 94% | 16 | 316 | 0 |
| Jadhav Prataprao Ganpatrao | Buldhana | Shiv Sena | 64% | 19 | 511 | 0 |
| Khatgaonkar Patil Bhaskarrao Bapurao | Nanded | Indian National Congress | 76% | 4 | 859 | 0 |
| Manikrao Hodlya Gavit | Nandurbar | Indian National Congress | 88% | 9 | 150 | 0 |
| Marotrao Sainuji Kowase | Gadchiroli-Chimur | Indian National Congress | 85% | 16 | 471 | 0 |
| Milind Murli Deora | Mumbai-South | Indian National Congress | 88% | 0 | 274 | 0 |
| Mukul Balkrishna Wasnik | Ramtek | Indian National Congress | 75% | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Munde Gopinathrao Pandurang | Beed | Bharatiya Janata Party | 68% | 32 | 465 | 0 |
| Nilesh Narayan Rane | Ratnagiri-Sindhudurg | Indian National Congress | 70% | 19 | 606 | 0 |
| Padamsinha Bajirao Patil | Osmanabad | Nationalist Congress Party | 61% | 3 | 237 | 0 |
| Praful Manoharbhai Patel | Bhandara-Gondiya | Nationalist Congress Party | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Pratik Prakashbapu Patil | Sangli | Indian National Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Priya Sunil Dutt | Mumbai-North-Central | Indian National Congress | 58% | 14 | 161 | 3 |
| Raju Shetti | Hatkanangle | Swabhimani Paksha | 74% | 43 | 324 | 1 |
| Raosaheb Patil Danve | Jalna | Bharatiya Janata Party | 62% | 27 | 291 | 0 |
| Sadashivrao Dadoba Mandlik | Kolhapur | Independent | 50% | 8 | 72 | 0 |
| Sameer Magan Bhujbal | Nashik | Nationalist Congress Party | 70% | 15 | 346 | 0 |
| Sanjay Dina Patil | Mumbai-North-East | Nationalist Congress Party | 82% | 7 | 467 | 0 |
| Sanjay Nirupam | Mumbai-North | Indian National Congress | 89% | 57 | 334 | 0 |
| Sanjay Shamrao Dhotre | Akola | Bharatiya Janata Party | 75% | 18 | 395 | 0 |
| Sanjeev Ganesh Naik | Thane | Nationalist Congress Party | 94% | 76 | 756 | 2 |
| Sharad Chandra Govindrao Pawar | Madha | Nationalist Congress Party | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Shivaji Adhalrao Patil | Shirur | Shiv Sena | 43% | 10 | 1082 | 0 |
| Shrimant Chh. Udyanraje Pratapsinhmaharaj Bhonsle | Satara | Nationalist Congress Party | 51% | 1 | 41 | 0 |
| Sonawane Pratap Narayanrao | Dhule | Bharatiya Janata Party | 53% | 14 | 293 | 0 |
| Subhash Bapurao Wankhede | Hingoli | Shiv Sena | 65% | 12 | 327 | 0 |
| Supriya Sule | Baramati | Nationalist Congress Party | 86% | 38 | 739 | 5 |
| Suresh Kalmadi | Pune | Indian National Congress | 51% | 14 | 206 | 0 |
| Suresh Kashinath Taware | Bhiwandi | Indian National Congress | 86% | 13 | 183 | 1 |
| Sushil Kumar Sambhajirao Shinde | Solapur | Indian National Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Vilas Baburao Muttemwar | Nagpur | Indian National Congress | 81% | 48 | 687 | 0 |
| Wakchaure Bhausaheb Rajaram | Shirdi | Shiv Sena | 66% | 24 | 780 | 7 |
Uttar Pradesh MPs work status in Loksabha during 2009-14
| Name | Constituency | Party | Attendance Percent | Debates Total | Questions Asked | Private Member Bills |
| Ajit Singh | Baghpat | Rashtriya Lok Dal | 44% | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| Akhilesh Yadav | Kannauj | Samajwadi Party | 53% | 4 | 0 | 0 |
| Annu Tandon | Unnao | Indian National Congress | 93% | 30 | 307 | 0 |
| Arvind Kumar Chaudhary | Basti | Bahujan Samaj Party | 96% | 4 | 190 | 0 |
| Ashok Kumar Rawat | Misrikh | Bahujan Samaj Party | 86% | 42 | 819 | 0 |
| Bal Kumar Patel | Mirzapur | Samajwadi Party | 80% | 11 | 280 | 0 |
| Baliram | Lalganj | Bahujan Samaj Party | 94% | 51 | 351 | 0 |
| Beni Prasad Verma | Gonda | Indian National Congress | 99% | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| Bhismashankar, Alias Kushal Tiwari | Sant Kabir Nagar | Bahujan Samaj Party | 79% | 45 | 537 | 0 |
| Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh | Kaiserganj | Samajwadi Party | 85% | 20 | 183 | 0 |
| Dara Singh Chauhan | Ghosi | Bahujan Samaj Party | 92% | 130 | 92 | 0 |
| Devendra Nagpal | Amroha | Rashtriya Lok Dal | 53% | 9 | 43 | 0 |
| Dhananjay Singh | Jaunpur | Bahujan Samaj Party | 65% | 52 | 241 | 0 |
| Dharmendra Yadav | Badaun | Samajwadi Party | 72% | 19 | 973 | 0 |
| Dimple Yadav | Kannauj | Samajwadi Party | 22% | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Feroze Varun Gandhi | Pilibhit | Bharatiya Janata Party | 63% | 2 | 641 | 2 |
| Ghansyam Anuragi | Jalaun | Samajwadi Party | 90% | 52 | 304 | 0 |
| Gorakh Prasad Jaiswal | Deoria | Bahujan Samaj Party | 87% | 37 | 722 | 0 |
| Goraknath Pandey | Bhadohi | Bahujan Samaj Party | 94% | 97 | 139 | 0 |
| Harsh Vardhan | Maharajganj | Indian National Congress | 77% | 54 | 448 | 0 |
| Jagdambika Pal | Domariyaganj | Indian National Congress | 92% | 191 | 223 | 4 |
| Jagdish Singh Rana | Saharanpur | Bahujan Samaj Party | 87% | 15 | 236 | 0 |
| Jayant Chaudhary | Mathura | Rashtriya Lok Dal | 83% | 45 | 180 | 2 |
| Jitin Prasada | Dhaurahra | Indian National Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Kadir Rana | Muzaffarnagar | Bahujan Samaj Party | 57% | 1 | 111 | 0 |
| Kaisar Jahan | Sitapur | Bahujan Samaj Party | 62% | 7 | 33 | 0 |
| Kalyan Singh | Etah | Independent | 50% | 1 | 0 | 0 |
| Kamal Kishor | Bahraich | Indian National Congress | 96% | 102 | 250 | 0 |
| Kamlesh Balmiki | Bulandshahr | Samajwadi Party | 87% | 1 | 4 | 0 |
| Kamlesh Paswan | Bansgaon | Bharatiya Janata Party | 80% | 20 | 116 | 0 |
| Kapil Muni Karwariya | Phulpur | Bahujan Samaj Party | 80% | 26 | 389 | 0 |
| Lal Ji Tandon | Lucknow | Bharatiya Janata Party | 81% | 10 | 150 | 0 |
| Maneka Gandhi | Aonla | Bharatiya Janata Party | 77% | 6 | 336 | 1 |
| Mithlesh Kumar | Shahjahanpur | Samajwadi Party | 86% | 21 | 154 | 0 |
| Mohammed Azharuddin | Moradabad | Indian National Congress | 75% | 2 | 5 | 0 |
| Mulayam Singh Yadav | Mainpuri | Samajwadi Party | 85% | 117 | 0 | 0 |
| Murli Manohar Joshi | Varanasi | Bharatiya Janata Party | 84% | 29 | 577 | 0 |
| Neeraj Shekhar | Ballia | Samajwadi Party | 93% | 33 | 820 | 0 |
| Nirmal Khatri | Faizabad | Indian National Congress | 94% | 37 | 24 | 0 |
| P. Jaya Prada Nahata | Rampur | Independent | 39% | 27 | 395 | 0 |
| P.L. Punia | Barabanki | Indian National Congress | 99% | 289 | 656 | 11 |
| Pakauri Lal | Robertsganj | Samajwadi Party | 85% | 19 | 61 | 0 |
| Pradeep Kumar Jain Aditya | Jhansi | Indian National Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Praveen Singh Aron | Bareilly | Indian National Congress | 66% | 6 | 12 | 0 |
| Premdas Katheria | Etawah | Samajwadi Party | 92% | 54 | 156 | 0 |
| R.K. Singh Patel | Banda | Samajwadi Party | 81% | 45 | 198 | 0 |
| Radhe Mohan Singh | Ghazipur | Samajwadi Party | 76% | 17 | 162 | 0 |
| Rahul Gandhi | Amethi | Indian National Congress | 43% | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| Raj Babbar | Firozabad | Indian National Congress | 72% | 3 | 10 | 0 |
| Raj Kumari Chauhan | Aligarh | Bahujan Samaj Party | 85% | 1 | 22 | 0 |
| Raja Ram Pal | Akbarpur | Indian National Congress | 91% | 54 | 0 | 0 |
| Rajendra Agrawal | Meerut | Bharatiya Janata Party | 99% | 172 | 366 | 2 |
| Rajnath Singh | Ghaziabad | Bharatiya Janata Party | 77% | 14 | 33 | 0 |
| Rakesh Pandey | Ambedkar Nagar | Bahujan Samaj Party | 85% | 11 | 20 | 0 |
| Rakesh Sachan | Fatehpur | Samajwadi Party | 85% | 50 | 34 | 0 |
| Ramakant Yadav | Azamgarh | Bharatiya Janata Party | 50% | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Ramashankar Rajbhar | Salempur | Bahujan Samaj Party | 95% | 80 | 227 | 0 |
| Ramkishun | Chandauli | Samajwadi Party | 82% | 117 | 490 | 0 |
| Ramshankar | Agra | Bharatiya Janata Party | 73% | 62 | 235 | 1 |
| Ratanjit Pratap Narayan Singh | Khushi Nagar | Indian National Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Ratna Singh | Pratapgarh | Indian National Congress | 86% | 37 | 677 | 0 |
| Rewati Raman Singh | Allahabad | Samajwadi Party | 87% | 56 | 217 | 0 |
| Salman Khurshid | Farrukhabad | Indian National Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Sanjay Singh Chauhan | Bijnor | Rashtriya Lok Dal | 90% | 34 | 277 | 0 |
| Sanjay Sinh | Sultanpur | Indian National Congress | 80% | 28 | 666 | 0 |
| Sarika Singh Baghel | Hathras | Rashtriya Lok Dal | 94% | 1 | 23 | 0 |
| Seema Upadhyay | Fatehpur Sikri | Bahujan Samaj Party | 86% | 13 | 399 | 0 |
| Shafiqur Rahman Barq | Sambhal | Bahujan Samaj Party | 98% | 31 | 97 | 0 |
| Shailendra Kumar | Kaushambi | Samajwadi Party | 97% | 353 | 168 | 3 |
| Shriprakash Jaiswal | Kanpur | Indian National Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Sonia Gandhi | Rae Bareli | Indian National Congress | 47% | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| Surendra Singh Nagar | Gautam Buddha Nagar | Bahujan Samaj Party | 81% | 28 | 502 | 0 |
| Sushila Saroj | Mohanlalganj | Samajwadi Party | 87% | 25 | 543 | 0 |
| Tabassum Hasan | Kairana | Bahujan Samaj Party | 71% | 0 | 31 | 0 |
| Tufani Saroj | Machhlishahr | Samajwadi Party | 85% | 49 | 340 | 0 |
| Usha Verma | Hardoi | Samajwadi Party | 86% | 18 | 405 | 0 |
| Vijay Bahadur Singh | Hamirpur | Bahujan Samaj Party | 87% | 72 | 199 | 0 |
| Vinay Kumar Pandey | Shrawasti | Indian National Congress | 83% | 59 | 197 | 0 |
| Yashvir Singh | Nagina | Samajwadi Party | 87% | 4 | 646 | 0 |
| Yogi Adityanath | Gorakhpur | Bharatiya Janata Party | 72% | 82 | 347 | 5 |
| Zafar Ali Naqvi | Kheri | Indian National Congress | 80% | 0 | 63 | 0 |
Andhr Pradesh MPs work status in Loksabha during 2009-14
| Name | Constituency | Party | Attendance Percent | Debates Total | Questions Asked | Private Member Bills |
| Anantha Venkatarami Reddy | Anantapur | Indian National Congress | 74% | 14 | 552 | 0 |
| Aruna Kumar Vundavalli | Rajahmundry | Indian National Congress | 92% | 19 | 33 | 0 |
| Asaduddin Owaisi | Hyderabad | All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimmen | 69% | 40 | 1129 | 1 |
| Bapiraju Kanumuri | Narsapuram | Indian National Congress | 87% | 11 | 0 | 0 |
| Chandra Sekhar Kalva Kuntla Rao | Mahabubnagar | Telangana Rashtra Samithi | 13% | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| Chinta Mohan | Tirupati | Indian National Congress | 80% | 5 | 18 | 0 |
| Daggubati Purandeswari | Visakhapatnam | Indian National Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| G.V. Harsha Kumar | Amalapuram | Indian National Congress | 77% | 3 | 34 | 0 |
| Gaddam Vivekanand | Peddapalle | Indian National Congress | 69% | 11 | 57 | 0 |
| Jaipal Sudini Reddy | Chelvella | Indian National Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Jhansi Botcha Lakshmi | Vizianagaram | Indian National Congress | 88% | 146 | 377 | 2 |
| K. Jayasurya Prakash Reddy | Kurnool | Indian National Congress | 56% | 0 | 499 | 0 |
| Kavuri Samba Siva Rao | Eluru | Indian National Congress | 78% | 31 | 152 | 0 |
| Killi Krupa Rani | Srikakulam | Indian National Congress | 89% | 19 | 338 | 0 |
| Komatireddy Raj Gopal Reddy | Bhongir | Indian National Congress | 65% | 0 | 158 | 0 |
| Konakalla Narayana Rao | Machilipatnam | Telugu Desam Party | 74% | 3 | 30 | 0 |
| Kristappa Nimmala | Hindupur | Telugu Desam Party | 78% | 9 | 41 | 0 |
| Lakshmi Panabaka | Bapatla | Indian National Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| M. Anjan Kumar Yadav | Secunderabad | Indian National Congress | 74% | 0 | 643 | 0 |
| M. Jagannath | Nagarkurnool | Indian National Congress | 80% | 34 | 278 | 0 |
| M. Vijaya Shanthi | Medak | Telangana Rashtra Samithi | 14% | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Madhu Goud Yaskhi | Nizamabad | Indian National Congress | 77% | 15 | 626 | 0 |
| Magunta Srinivasulu Reddy | Ongole | Indian National Congress | 54% | 3 | 808 | 0 |
| Mallipudi Raju Pallam Mangapati | Kakinada | Indian National Congress | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A |
| Mekapati Rajamohan Reddy | Nellore | Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party | 52% | 5 | 240 | 0 |
| Modugula Venugopala Reddy | Narasaraopet | Telugu Desam Party | 67% | 29 | 485 | 0 |
| Nama Nageswara Rao | Khammam | Telugu Desam Party | 86% | 114 | 488 | 0 |
| Naramalli Sivaprasad | Chittoor | Telugu Desam Party | 55% | 5 | 16 | 0 |
| P. Balram | Mahabubabad | Indian National Congress | 68% | 10 | 429 | 0 |
| Prabhakar Ponnam | Karimnagar | Indian National Congress | 88% | 67 | 935 | 0 |
| Rajagopal Lagadapati | Vijayawada | Indian National Congress | 68% | 21 | 538 | 12 |
| Rajaiah Siricilla | Warangal | Indian National Congress | 84% | 40 | 806 | 0 |
| Ramesh Rathod | Adilabad | Telugu Desam Party | 52% | 10 | 290 | 0 |
| S.P.Y. Reddy | Nandyal | Indian National Congress | 46% | 3 | 2 | 0 |
| Sabbam Hari | Anakapalli | Indian National Congress | 70% | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Sai Prathap Annayyagari | Rajampet | Indian National Congress | 78% | 1 | 163 | 0 |
| Sambasiva Rayapati Rao | Guntur | Indian National Congress | 61% | 14 | 690 | 0 |
| Sathyanarayana Sarvey | Malkajgiri | Indian National Congress | 72% | 4 | 267 | 0 |
| Sukender Reddy Gutha | Nalgonda | Indian National Congress | 66% | 12 | 103 | 0 |
| Suresh Kumar Shetkar | Zahirabad | Indian National Congress | 79% | 20 | 839 | 0 |
| V. Kishore Chandra S. Deo | Araku | Indian National Congress | 91% | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| Y. S. Jagan Mohan Reddy | Kadapa | Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party | 33% | 2 | 0 | 0 |
Saturday, April 12, 2014
Regarding fascism
The point is not that voters want
to compromise with communalism for the sake of growth.
Pratap
Bhanu Mehta, April 11, 2014
he rise of Narendra Modi has
brought the “F” word into promiscuous use. The spectre of fascism is said to be
haunting India. It is easy to dismiss this concern over fascism as the
hyperbole of a crumbling elite that has often used moral outrage as a
substitute for addressing genuine political challenges. It might be tempting to
engage in an argument over the historical specificity of fascism. Can the the
combination of military power, total mobilisation and eliminationism that
marked fascism really be reproduced in India?
But take the core concern
beneath the hyperbole seriously. The communal atmosphere in some parts of the
country is fragile. Dozens of riots in UP testify to this. As Suhas Palshikar
had argued, the BJP has regionally varied strategies.
In UP, in particular, it involves
fishing in troubled communal waters. Whatever Narendra Modi’s intentions or
change of heart might be is besides the point. India still has a communal
challenge and ultimately the quality of its democracy will be judged by how it
deals with it. You don’t have to subscribe to analytically otiose invocations
of fascism to wonder what this election means for India’s prospects as a
country where no one is targeted for being who they are. All sides speak about
minorities, but few speak to them.
Whatever Amit Shah’s organisational genius might be, his track record should make you nervous about the kind of intimidation he could create. If we end up voting for them, the morning after we will need to think of the kinds of structures that can mitigate the damage they might do. BJP supporters, who might bristle at being called fascist, would do well to act reassuringly on these concerns.
The best way to respond to
accusations of fascism is not to dismiss them. It is to make them look silly by
your own exemplariness.
But those scare-mongering on fascism also need self-reflection. Many of those dropping the “F” word also betray a will to simplification that tells you more about those making the accusations than it does about politics. The Indian Left is incapable of any dialectical thinking; there is not a trace of reflection on the forces that have brought us to this pass. There should be no complacency over the communal question.
But those scare-mongering on fascism also need self-reflection. Many of those dropping the “F” word also betray a will to simplification that tells you more about those making the accusations than it does about politics. The Indian Left is incapable of any dialectical thinking; there is not a trace of reflection on the forces that have brought us to this pass. There should be no complacency over the communal question.
But what is it about the structures
of our thinking about communalism that 60 years after Independence, we seem to
be revisiting the same questions over and over again? Is there some deeper
phenomenon that the BJP-Congress system seems two sides of the same coin to so
many, even on this issue? The point is not about the political equivalence of
two political parties. People will make up their own minds. But is there
something about the way we have conceptualised the problem of majority and
minority, trapped in compulsory identities, that makes communalism the
inevitable result?
Is there something odd when voting
for the Samajwadi Party, which has done its damnedest to stoke communal tension
under the garb of electoral secularism, is not fascist, by the same standards?
And does it serve the purpose of any kind of democratic accountability to let a
party like the Congress, which has done its best to corrode every institution
that should be the foundation of protecting equal individual rights for all,
consistently get a free pass, based on fear?
In short, if you are serious about
the communal question, you will have to think of what it is about the larger
political culture that we seem to be trapped in the same discourse all over
again. The political construction of identities, shared across parties, has
been as much the deep substrate from which this poison springs.
We also need some historical
perspective. It is hard to imagine that the same set of urban voters who in
2009 were considered the paragons of social democracy by electing the Congress
have all suddenly turned fascist. Yes, these voters are anxious, because India’s
growth story is faltering.
And this is where we need some
dialectical thinking. Hindu nationalism arose in the 1990s against a backdrop
of immense national anxiety: an uncertain economic future, various secessionist
movements. The imperatives of creating coalitions, the checks and balances of
an immensely complicated institutional structure, helped contain its furies,
though not perfectly.
Hindu nationalism dissipated
somewhat because of the confidence that growth provided. Growth created a new
churning and a different national narrative. It created the circumstances where
there was a lot more to lose by violence. This did not, tragically, work in
every specific case. But the overall effects were to take the edge off
investment in destructive identity politics. It mitigated some of the
psychological anxieties from which the furies of nationalism had stemmed. It
was the self-confidence and hope in the future that made organisations like the
RSS so much less attractive.
It was the cunning of history that a
BJP government, unintentionally, created the conditions that undermined the
anxieties that fuelled Hindu nationalism. The anxieties returned somewhat when
India’s confidence faltered.
The critique of fascism is less
effective because it is not playing on the right terrain: a growth narrative
that can restore India’s confidence. But the point is not that voters want to
compromise with communalism for the sake of growth. What many of them sense,
more presciently than academics, is that if this growth story continues to
falter, we will create the conditions for the kind of reactionary politics that
we have not seen.
They don’t find the Congress
credible any longer, or the AAP quite ready. They may be misjudging the
economic downsides of any non-BJP alternative. But to think that the social
democrats of 2009 have now created a fascist surge is besides the point.
The role of incentives can be
exaggerated in politics. But the incentive structures for the BJP at this
moment are very different. Large-scale communalisation will, in the long run,
create the very uncertainties that can damage growth. Violence may pay in
specified local contexts, but beyond a point it backfires nationally.
Democracy cannot be the excuse for
immobilising questions of individual liberty and security. But invocations of
fascism often express a kind of distance from Indian democracy that is also
disquieting. We are not on the high tide of fascism. It is more about a complicated
country feeling its way through difficult times, fed up with old power
structures. The “F” word has become a substitute for real thinking. We will
need to think anew about what incentives and pressures will work in our new
context. We are on a wing and a prayer. But we need to show more intelligence
than screaming the “F” word.
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